History of Liberia
Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science (2024)

Produced by Juliet Sutherland, Joris Van Dael and PG Distributed

Proofreaders

HERBERT B. ADAMS, Editor

History is past Politics and Politics present History—Freeman

NINTH SERIES

X

HISTORY OF LIBERIA

BY J.H.T. McPHERSON, Ph.D.

Fellow in History, Johns Hopkins University, 1889; Instructor inHistory, University of Michigan, 1890; Professor of History andPolitics, University of Georgia, 1891.

* * * * *

1891

CONTENTS.

I. INTRODUCTION
II. THE COLONIZATION IDEA
III. THE COLONIZATION MOVEMENT
IV. MARYLAND IN LIBERIA
V. THE REPUBLIC OF LIBERIA
VI. THE HISTORIC SIGNIFICANCE OF COLONIZATION
1. As a Southern Movement toward Emancipation
2. As a Check to the Slave Trade
3. As a Step toward the Civilization of Africa
4. As a Missionary Effort
5. As a Refuge to the Negro from the Pressure of Increasing
Competition in America
AUTHORITIES

PREFATORY NOTE.

This paper claims to be scarcely more than a brief sketch. It is anabridgment of a History of Liberia in much greater detail, presented asa dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the JohnsHopkins University. I have devoted the leisure hours of several years tothe accumulation of materials, which I hope will prove the basis of alarger work in the future.

J.H.T. McP.

UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN, June, 1891.

HISTORY OF LIBERIA.

I.

INTRODUCTION.

There are but few more interesting spots in Africa than the littlecorner of the west coast occupied by the Republic of Liberia. It hasbeen the scene of a series of experiments absolutely unique inhistory—experiments from which we are to derive the knowledge uponwhich we must rely in the solution of the weighty problems connectedwith the development of a dark continent, and with the civilization ofhundreds of millions of the human race. Many questions have arisen whichhave not been settled to our complete satisfaction. Is the Negro capableof receiving and maintaining a superimposed civilization? Froudedeclares that "the worst enemies of the blacks are those who persist inpressing upon them an equality which nature has denied them. They mayattain it in time if they are fairly treated, but they can attain itonly on condition of going through the discipline and experience ofhundreds of years, through which the white race had to pass before itwas fit for political rights. If they are raised to a position for whichthey are unqualified, they can only fall back into a state ofsavagery."[1] Upon the truth or error of this view how much depends! Itis shared by many; some even believe that the condition of Liberia tendsto confirm it, thinking they discern signs of incipient decay. But thegreat preponderance of opinion is on the other side. The weight ofevidence shows the colonists have at the lowest estimate retained thecivilization they took with them. Many maintain that there has been asensible advance. A recent traveller describes them as "in mancherHinsicht schon hypercultivirt."

What might be called a third position is taken by one of the mostprominent writers of the race, E.W. Blyden, the widely-known Presidentof Liberia College. The radical difference in race and circ*mstancemust, he thinks, make African civilization essentially different fromEuropean: not inferior, but different. The culture which the blacks haveacquired, or may attain in further contact with foreign influence, willbe used as a point of departure in future intelligent development alonglines following the characteristics of the race. This tendency todifferentiate he regards as natural and inevitable; it ought to berecognized and encouraged in every way, that the time may be hastenedwhen a great negro civilization, unlike anything we have yet seen, shallprevail in Africa and play its part in the world's history.

If we make allowance for the errors and mistakes of an untrained andinexperienced people, the history of Liberia may be regarded as ademonstration of the capacity of the race for self-government. Upon thecapability of individuals is reflected the highest credit. Theopportunities for a rounded-out and fully developed culture afforded bythe peculiar conditions of life in the Republic produced a number of menwho deserve unqualified admiration. From the earliest days of thecolony, when Elijah Johnson upheld the courage of the little band in themidst of hostile swarms of savages, to the steadfast statesmanship ofRusswurm and the stately diplomacy of Roberts, there have stood forthindividuals of a quality and calibre that fill with surprise those whohold the ordinary opinion of the possibilities of the Negro. The trialsof the Republic have afforded a crucial test in which many a characterhas shown true metal. It is not too much to assert that the very highesttype of the race has been the product of Liberia.

There are other aspects in which our tropical offspring has for us avital interest. Perhaps the most important is the connection it willhave in the future with what is called the Negro Problem in our owncountry. There have been and are thoughtful men who see in colonizationthe only solution of its difficulties. Others ridicule the verysuggestion. It is a question into which we do not propose to go. Butthere is scarcely any doubt that when the development of Liberia is alittle more advanced, and when communication with her ports becomes lessdifficult, and when the population of the United States grows more denseand presses more upon the limits of production, there will be a largevoluntary migration of negroes to Africa. And no one will deny that theexistence of a flourishing Republic of the black race just across theAtlantic will react powerfully upon all questions relating to our owncolored population.

But let us not venture too deeply into this theme. Another claim ofLiberia upon the sympathetic interest of the entire people, is that itrepresents our sole attempt at colonial enterprise. It is true themovement was largely individual, but the effort came from a widespreadarea of the country; moreover, the part played by the NationalGovernment was not only important, but essential. Without its friendlyintervention, the plan could never have been carried out. The actioncarries with it some responsibility. The United States might wellexercise some protective care, might now and then extend a helping hand,and let the aggressive Powers of Europe see that Liberia is notfriendless, and that encroachment upon her territory will not betolerated.

A few words upon the topography of the country and upon the aboriginesmay not be out of place. Liberia is by no means the dreary waste of sandand swamp that some imagine it. The view from the sea has beendescribed as one of unspeakable beauty and grandeur. From the low-lyingcoast the land rises in a terraced slope—a succession of hills andplateaux as far as the eye can reach, all covered with the denseperennial verdure of the primeval forest. Perhaps the best authority onthe natural features of the country is the zoölogist of the Royal Museumof Leyden, J. Büttikofer, who has made Liberia several visits and spentseveral years in its scientific exploration. The account of hisinvestigations is most interesting. Small as is the area of the countryall kinds of soil are represented, and corresponding to this variety isa remarkably rich and varied flora. Amidst this luxuriance is found anunusually large number of products of commercial value. Cotton, indigo,coffee, pepper, the pineapple, gum tree, oil palm, and many others growwild in abundance, while a little cultivation produces ample crops ofrice, corn, potatoes, yams, arrowroot, ginger, and especially sugar,tobacco, and a very superior grade of coffee. The fertility of the soilrenders possible the production of almost any crop.

The fauna of the land is scarcely less remarkable in variety andabundance. The larger animals, including domestic cattle and horses, donot thrive on the coast, but are plentiful farther inland. On theMandingo Plateau, elephants are not uncommon. Buffaloes, leopards,tigers, antelopes, porcupines, the great ant-eater, divers species ofmonkeys, and numerous other animals are found, besides many varieties ofbirds.

The native Africans inhabiting this territory are probably more than amillion in number, and belong to several different stocks of somewhatvarying characteristics. The most common type is of medium size, wellformed, coal-black in color and rather good-looking. They areintelligent and easily taught, but are extremely indolent. Theirpaganism takes the form of gross superstition, as seen in their constantuse of gree-gree charms and in their sassa-wood ordeal. Like all theraces of Africa, they are polygamists; and as the women manage the farmsand do nearly all the work, a man's wealth and importance are oftenestimated by the number of his wives. Domestic slavery is universalamong them, the great majority of slaves being obtained by capture inwar. These inter-tribal wars were once almost constant, and theirprevention requires the utmost vigilance of the Liberian authorities.

The natives harvest rice and cassada; supply the coasting trader'sdemand for palm-oil; raise tobacco; procure salt by evaporatingsea-water; engage in hunting and fishing. They carry on a number of rudeindustries such as the manufacture of basket-work, hats, mats,fish-nets; a crude sort of spinning and weaving. Iron ore exists inabundance, and the natives have long known how to smelt it and obtainthe metal, from which they manufacture rude weapons, spurs, bits,stirrups and kitchen utensils. The cheapness of imported iron ware hasdriven out this interesting art on the coast; but in the interior it isstill practised by the Mandingoes, who are also fine goldsmiths, andmanufacture highly ornamented rings. There are also silversmiths amongthe Veys, who do good work. The leather industry, too, has been carriedto some perfection.

With all their disadvantages the natives seem to extract a good deal ofenjoyment out of existence. They are very fond of singing and dancing tothe rude strains of a drum and harp, and usually prolong their revelriesfar into the night.

Taken as a whole, the native character has many fine traits; and fromthe civilization and development of this part of her population, Liberiahas much to hope.

II.

THE COLONIZATION IDEA.

It is always a most interesting part of historic inquiry to search outthe very earliest sources, the first feeble germ of the idea whosedevelopment we are investigating. It is difficult to decide from whatone origin can be traced the continuous development of the idea whichresulted in the birth of Liberia; but toward the close of the lastcentury there arose a number of projects, widely differing in object anddetail, which bore more or less directly upon it, each of which may besaid to have contributed some special feature to the fully rounded anddeveloped plan.

The earliest of these sprang from the once notorious hot-bed ofslavery—Newport, R.I. As early as 1773 the Rev. Samuel Hopkins, thenwidely known as a theological writer, and responsible for the systemtermed Hopkinsianism, conceived the idea of a missionary effort inAfrica, undertaken by natives properly trained in the United States.[2]This at first did not include the conception of a permanent settlement;but on consultation with the Rev. Ezra Styles, afterward President ofYale, it developed into a definite plan for a colony. The scheme provedpopular; it was widely advertised by sermons and circulars both in thisand the mother country; and by 1776 funds had been collected, Negrostudents placed under suitable instruction at Princeton, and successseemed almost assured. The outbreak of the Revolution, however, sweptaway all the thought of carrying Hopkins' cherished enterprise intoexecution, and after peace was restored his most strenuous effortsfailed to arouse the old interest. Later thinkers, however, foundsuggestion and encouragement in his labors.

The colony founded at Sierra Leone by English philanthropists drew inpart its inspiration from Hopkins' idea, and in turn suggested laterAmerican plans. After the celebrated decision of Lord Mansfield in theSomerset case (1772), many slaves escaped to England, where theycongregated in the dens of London in helpless poverty and misery. JamesRamsay's essay on Slavery soon turned public attention to the Negro, andDr. Smeathman's letters suggested quite a scheme of colonization. Amovement in behalf of the oppressed race asserted itself at theUniversity of Cambridge, in which Clarkson, Wilberforce, Granville Sharpand others took part. As a result of these efforts some four hundredNegroes and sixty whites were landed at Sierra Leone in May, 1787.Disease and disorder were rife, and by 1791 a mere handful survived. TheSierra Leone Company was then incorporated; some 1,200 colonists fromthe Bahamas and Nova Scotia were taken over, and the settlement in spiteof discouraging results was kept up by frequent reinforcements until1807, when it was made a Government colony and naval station. Its growthin population and commerce has since steadily increased, and it nownumbers some 60,000 persons chiefly concentrated in the city ofFreetown, and all blacks save one or two hundred.

It may be as well to mention here two other sporadic attempts to leadcolored colonists to Africa. In 1787 the gifted and erratic Dr. Wm.Thornton proposed himself to become the leader of a body of Rhode Islandand Massachusetts colonists to Western Africa; he appears to have beenin communication with Hopkins on the subject a year later, but theeffort fell through for want of funds. The other is much later. PaulCuffee, the son of a well-to-do Massachusetts freedman, had become byhis talents and industry a prosperous merchant and ship-owner.Stimulated by the colony at Sierra Leone, and longing to secure libertyto his oppressed race, he determined to transport in his own vessels,and at his own expense, as many as he could of his colored brethren.Accordingly, in 1815, he sailed from Boston with about forty, whom helanded safely at Sierra Leone. He was about to take over on a secondvoyage a much larger number, when his benevolent designs wereinterrupted by death.

It will be observed that the colonization plans hitherto unfolded hadall been proposed for some missionary or similar benevolent object, andwere to be carried out on a small scale and by private means. It is nowtime to consider one proposed from a widely different standpoint. As apolitical measure, as a possible remedy for the serious evils arisingfrom slavery and the contact of races, it is not surprising to findThomas Jefferson suggesting a plan of colonization. The evils of slaverynone ever saw more clearly. "The whole commerce between master andslave," he quaintly says, "is a perpetual exercise of the mostboisterous passions, the most unremitting despotism on the one part, anddegrading submissions on the other. Our children see this and learn toimitate it." And again, "With what execration should the statesman beloaded, who, permitting one-half the citizens thus to trample on therights of the other, transforms these into despots and those intoenemies, destroys the morals of the one part, and the amor patriae ofthe other…. I tremble for my country when I reflect that God isjust."[3] Yet his equally clear perception of the evils sure to resultfrom emancipation immediate and unqualified, makes him look tocolonization as the only remedy. "Why not retain and incorporate theblacks into the state?" he asks, "Deep rooted prejudices entertained bythe whites, ten thousand recollections by the blacks of the injuriesthey have sustained; new provocations; the real distinctions whichnature has made; and many other circ*mstances, will divide us intoparties and produce convulsions which will probably never end but in theextermination of the one or the other race." After the lapse of acentury how prophetic these words sound! Jefferson believed then that bycolonization slavery was to be abolished. All slaves born after acertain date were to be free; these should remain with their parentstill a given age, after which they should be taught at public expenseagriculture and the useful arts. When full-grown they were to be"colonized to such a place as the circ*mstances of the time shouldrender most proper, sending them out with arms, implements of thehousehold and handicraft arts, pairs of the useful domestic animals,etc.; to declare them a free and independent people, and extend to themour alliance and protection till they have acquired strength."

Such in outline was Jefferson's contribution to the colonization idea.Its influence was unquestionably great: the "Notes on Virginia,"privately circulated after 1781, and at length published in 1787, wentthrough eight editions before 1800, and must have been familiar tonearly all of those concerned in the formation of the ColonizationSociety.

Clearer still must the details of Jefferson's project have been in theminds of the members of the Virginia Legislature in 1800, when, afterthe outbreak of a dangerous slave conspiracy in Richmond, they met insecret session to consult the common security. The resolution which theyreached shows unmistakably Jefferson's influence. With the delicate ifsomewhat obscure periphrasis in which legislation concerning the Negrowas traditionally couched, they enacted: "That the Governor be requestedto correspond with the President of the United States on the subject ofpurchasing lands without the limits of this State whither personsobnoxious to the laws or dangerous to the peace of society may beremoved."[4] An interesting correspondence ensued between Monroe, whowas then Governor, and Jefferson. Both regarded the idea as somethingfar more important than a mere penal colony. Monroe, too, saw in it apossible remedy for the evils of slavery, and refers to the matter as"one of great delicacy and importance, involving in a peculiar degreethe future peace, tranquillity, and happiness" of the country. Aftermuch discussion Africa was selected as the only appropriate site, andapproved by another Act of the Legislature. Jefferson lost no time inattempting to secure land for the colony, but his efforts met with nosuccess. After a discouraging repulse from Sierra Leone, and the failureof several half-hearted attempts to obtain a footing elsewhere, thewhole matter was allowed to sink into abeyance. For years a pall ofsecrecy concealed the scheme from public knowledge.

In the meantime a new private movement toward colonization was startedat the North. Samuel J. Mills organized at Williams College, in 1808,for missionary work, an undergraduate society, which was soontransferred to Andover, and resulted in the establishment of theAmerican Bible Society and Board of Foreign Missions. But the topicwhich engrossed Mills' most enthusiastic attention was the Negro. Thedesire was to better his condition by founding a colony between the Ohioand the Lakes; or later, when this was seen to be unwise, in Africa. Ongoing to New Jersey to continue his theological studies, Mills succeededin interesting the Presbyterian clergy of that State in his project. Ofthis body one of the most prominent members was Dr. Robert Finley. Dr.Finley succeeded in assembling at Princeton the first meeting evercalled to consider the project of sending Negro colonists to Africa.Although supported by few save members of the seminary, Dr. Finley feltencouraged to set out for Washington in December, 1816, to attempt theformation of a colonization society.

Earlier in this same year there had been a sudden awakening of Southerninterest in colonization. Toward the end of February, Gen. CharlesFenton Mercer accidentally had his attention called to the SecretJournals of the Legislature for the years 1801-5.[5] He had been for sixyears a member of the House of Delegates, in total ignorance of theirexistence. He at once investigated and was rewarded with a fullknowledge of the Resolutions and ensuing correspondence between Monroeand Jefferson. Mercer's enthusiasm was at once aroused, and hedetermined to revive the Resolutions at the next meeting of theLegislature. In the meantime, imputing their previous failure to thesecrecy which had screened them from public view, he brought the wholeproject conspicuously into notice. At the next session of theLegislature, in December, resolutions embodying the substance of thesecret enactments were passed almost unanimously in both houses. Publicattention had been in this way already brought to bear upon theadvantages of Colonization when Finley set on foot the formation of asociety in Washington. The interest already awakened and theindefatigable efforts of Finley and his friend Col. Charles Marsh, atlength succeeded in convening the assembly to which the ColonizationSociety owes its existence. It was a notable gathering. Henry Clay, inthe absence of Bushrod Washington, presided, setting forth in glowingterms the object and aspirations of the meeting. Finley'sbrother-in-law, Elias B. Caldwell was Secretary, and supplied theleading argument, an elaborate plea, setting forth the expediency of theproject and its practicability in regard to territory, expense, and theabundance of willing colonists. The wide benevolent objects to beattained were emphasized. John Randolph of Roanoke, and Robert Wright ofMaryland, dwelt upon the desirability of removing the turbulentfree-negro element and enhancing the value of property in slaves.[6]Resolutions organizing the Society passed, and committees appointed todraft a Constitution and present a memorial to Congress. At an adjournedmeeting a week later the constitution was adopted, and on January 1,1817, officers were elected.

III.

THE COLONIZATION MOVEMENT.

With commendable energy the newly organized Society set about theaccomplishment of the task before it. Plans were discussed during thesummer, and in November two agents, Samuel J. Mills and EbenezerBurgess, sailed for Africa to explore the western coast and select asuitable spot. They were cordially received in England by the officersof the African Institution, and by Earl Bathurst, Secretary of State forthe Colonies, who provided them with letters to Sierra Leone. Here theyarrived in March, 1818, and were hospitably received, every facilitybeing afforded them to prosecute their inquiries, though markedunwillingness to have a foreign colony established in the vicinity wasnot concealed. Their inspection was carried as far south as SherbroIsland, where they obtained promises from the natives to sell land tothe colonists on their arrival with goods to pay for it. In May theyembarked on the return voyage. Mills died before reaching home. Hiscolleague made a most favorable report of the locality selected, though,as the event proved, it was a most unfortunate one.

After defraying the expenses of this exploration the Society's treasurywas practically empty. It would have been most difficult to raise thelarge sum necessary to equip and send out a body of emigrants; and thewhole enterprise would have languished and perhaps died but for a newimpelling force. Monroe, who ever since his correspondence withJefferson in 1800, had pondered over "the vast and interesting objects"which colonization might accomplish, was now by an interesting chain ofcirc*mstances enabled to render essential aid.

Though the importation of slaves had been strictly prohibited by the Actof Congress of March 2, 1807, no provision had been made for the care ofthe unfortunates smuggled in in defiance of the Statute. They becamesubject to the laws of the State in which they were landed; and theselaws were in some cases so devised that it was profitable for the dealerto land his cargo and incur the penalty. The advertisem*nts of the saleof such a cargo of "recaptured Africans" by the State of Georgia drewthe attention of the Society and of Gen. Mercer in particular to thisinconsistent and abnormal state of affairs. His profound indignationshows forth in the Second Annual Report of the Society, in which theattention of the public is earnestly drawn to the question; nor did herest until a bill was introduced into the House of Representativesdesigned to do away with the evil. This bill became a law on March 3,1819.

Provision was made for a more stringent suppression of the slave trade:new cruisers were ordered and bounties awarded for captures; but theclause which proved so important to the embryo colony was that dealingwith the captured cargoes:

"The President of the United States is hereby authorized to make suchregulations and arrangements as he may deem expedient for thesafe-keeping, support, and removal beyond the limits of the UnitedStates, of all such negroes, mulattoes, or persons of color as may be sodelivered and brought within their jurisdiction; and to appoint a properperson or persons residing upon the coast of Africa as agent or agentsfor receiving the negroes, mulattoes, or persons of color, deliveredfrom on board vessels seized in the prosecution of the slave trade bycommanders of the United States armed vessels." The sum of $100,000 wasappropriated for carrying out the provisions of the Act. PresidentMonroe determined to construe it as broadly as possible in aid of theproject of colonization. After giving Congress, in his message,December 20, 1818, fair notice of his intention, no objection beingmade, he proceeded to appoint two agents, the Rev. Samuel Bacon, alreadyin the service of the Colonization Society, and John P. Bankson asassistant, and to charter the ship Elizabeth. The agents were instructedto settle on the coast of Africa, with a tacit understanding that theplace should be that selected by the Colonization Society; they were toprovide accommodations sufficient for three hundred, supplyingprovisions, clothing, tools, and implements. It is important to note theessential part taken by the Government in the establishment of thecolony, for this is often said to be purely the result of privateenterprise; the inference tending to free the United States from anyresponsibility for the protection of its feeble offspring. It is trueaccording to the letter, that the Government agency was separate fromthe colony: the agents were instructed "to exercise no power founded onthe principle of colonization, or other principle than that ofperforming benevolent offices;" and again, "you are not to connect youragency with the views or plans of the Colonization Society, with which,under the law, the Government of the United States has no concern," Yetas a matter of fact the agency and colony were practically identical;and for years the resources of the Government were employed "to colonizerecaptured Africans, to build homes for them, to furnish them withfarming utensils, to pay instructors to teach them, to purchase shipsfor their convenience, to build forts for their protection, to supplythem with arms and munitions of war, to enlist troops to guard them, andto employ the army and navy in their defence,"[7] These words of oneunfriendly to the colony forcibly show the extent to which our nationalgovernment was responsible for the experiment.

When the Elizabeth was chartered the Society was notified that theGovernment agency was prepared to transport their first colonists; ormore literally "agreed to receive on board such free blacks recommendedby the Society as might be required for the purpose of the agency." Forthe expenses of the expedition $33,000 was placed in the hands of Mr.Bacon. Dr. Samuel A. Crozier was appointed by the Society as its agentand representative; and eighty-six negroes from variousstates—thirty-three men, eighteen women, and the rest children, wereembarked. On the 6th of February, 1820, the Mayflower of Liberia weighedanchor in New York harbor, and, convoyed by the U.S. sloop-of-war Cyane,steered her course toward the shores of Africa. The pilgrims were kindlytreated by the authorities at Sierra Leone, where they arrived on theninth of March; but on proceeding to Sherbro Island they found thenatives had reconsidered their promise, and refused to sell them land.While delayed by negotiations the injudicious nature of the siteselected was disastrously shown. The low marshy ground and the bad waterquickly bred the African fever, which soon carried off all the agentsand nearly a fourth of the emigrants. The rest, weakened anddisheartened were soon obliged to seek refuge at Sierra Leone.

In March, 1821, a body of twenty-eight new emigrants under charge ofJ.B. Winn and Ephraim Bacon, reached Freetown in the brig Nautilus. Winncollected as many as he could of the first company, also the stores sentout with them, and settled the people in temporary quarters at FourahBay, while Bacon set out to explore the coast anew and secure suitableterritory. An elevated fertile and desirable tract was at lengthdiscovered between 250 and 300 miles S.E. of Sierra Leone. This was theregion of Cape Montserado. It seemed exactly suited to the purposes ofthe colonists, but the natives refused to sell their land for fear ofbreaking up the traffic in slaves; and the agent returned discouraged.Winn soon died, and Bacon returned to the United States. In November,Dr. Eli Ayres was sent over as agent, and the U.S. schooner Alligator,commanded by Lieutenant Stockton, was ordered to the coast to assist inobtaining a foothold for the colony. Cape Montserado was again visited;and the address and firmness of Lieutenant Stockton accomplished thepurchase of a valuable tract of land.

The cape upon which the settlers proposed to build their firsthabitations consists of a narrow peninsula or tongue of land formed bythe Montserado River, which separates it from the mainland. Just withinthe mouth of the river lie two small islands, containing together lessthan three acres. To these, the Plymouth of Liberia, the colonists andtheir goods were soon transported. But again the fickle natives repentedthe bargain, and the settlers were long confined to "PerseveranceIsland," as the spot was aptly named. Space forbids entering on theinteresting details of the difficulties they successfully encountered.After a number of thrilling experiences the emigrants, on April 25,1822, formally took possession of the cape, where they had erected rudehouses for themselves; and from this moment we may date the existence ofthe colony. Their supplies were by this time sadly reduced; the nativeswere hostile and treacherous; fever had played havoc with the colonistsin acclimating; and the incessant downpour of the rainy season had setin. Dr. Ayres became thoroughly discouraged, and proposed to lead themback to Sierra Leone. Then it was that Elijah Johnson, an emigrant fromNew York, made himself forever famous in Liberian history by declaringthat he would never desert the home he had found after two years' wearyquest! His firmness decided the wavering colonists; the agents with afew faint-hearted ones sailed off to America; but the majority remainedwith their heroic Negro leader. The little band, deserted by theirappointed protectors, were soon reduced to the most dire distress, andmust have perished miserably but for the arrival of unexpected relief.The United States Government had at last gotten hold of some tenliberated Africans, and had a chance to make use of the agencyestablished for them at so great an expense. They were accordingly sentout in the brig Strong under the care of the Rev. Jehudi Ashmun. Aquantity of stores and some thirty-seven emigrants sent by theColonization Society completed the cargo. Ashmun had received nocommission as agent for the colony, and expected to return on theStrong; under this impression his wife had accompanied him. But when hefound the colonists in so desperate a situation he nobly determined toremain with them at any sacrifice. He visited the native chiefs andfound them, under cover of friendly promises, preparing for a deadlyassault on the little colony. There was no recourse but to prepare for avigorous defense. Twenty-seven men were capable of bearing arms; and onebrass and five iron fieldpieces, all dismantled and rusty, formed hismain hope. Ashmun at once set to work, and with daily drills andunremitting labor in clearing away the forest and throwing upearthworks, succeeded at last in putting the settlement in a reasonablestate of defense. It was no easy task. The fatiguing labor, incessantrains, and scanty food predisposed them to the dreaded fever. Ashmunhimself was prostrated; his wife sank and died before his eyes; and soonthere was but one man in the colony who was not on the sick-list. Atlength the long-expected assault was made. Just before daybreak on the11th of November the settlement was approached by a body of over eighthundred African warriors. Stealthily following the pickets as theyreturned a little too early from their watch, the savages burst upon thecolony and with a rush captured the outworks. A desperate conflictensued, the issue of which hung doubtful until the colonists succeededin manning their brass field-piece, which was mounted upon a raisedplatform, and turning it upon the dense ranks of the assailants. Theeffect at such short range was terrible. "Every shot literally spent itsforce in a solid mass of living human flesh. Their fire suddenlyterminated. A savage yell was raised, … and the whole hostdisappeared."[8] The victory had been gained at a cost of four killedand as many seriously wounded. Ammunition was exhausted; food had givenout. Another attack, for which the natives were known to be preparing,could scarcely fail to succeed. Before it was made, however, an Englishcaptain touched at the cape and generously replenished their stores. Onthe very next evening, November 30, the savages were seen gathering inlarge numbers on the cape, and toward morning a desperate attack wasmade on two sides at once. The lines had been contracted, however, andall the guns manned, and the well-directed fire of the artillery againproved too much for native valor. The savages were repulsed with greatloss. The unusual sound of a midnight cannonade attracted the PrinceRegent, an English colonial schooner laden with military stores andhaving on board the celebrated traveller Captain Laing, through whosemediation the natives were brought to agree to a peace most advantageousto the colonists. When the Prince Regent sailed, Midshipman Gordon, witheleven British sailors volunteered to remain, to assist the exhaustedcolonists and guarantee the truce. His generosity met an ill requital;within a month he had fallen victim to the climate with eight of thebrave seamen. Supplies were again running low, when March brought thewelcome arrival of the U.S. ship Cyane. Captain R.T. Spence at onceturned his whole force to improving the condition of the colonists.Buildings were erected, the dismantled colonial schooner was raised andmade sea-worthy, and many invaluable services were rendered, until atlength a severe outbreak of the fever among the crew compelled thevessel's withdrawal. It was too late, however, to prevent the loss offorty lives, including the lieutenant, Richard Dashiell, and thesurgeon, Dr. Dix.

On the 24th of May, 1823, the brig Oswego arrived with sixty-one newemigrants and a liberal supply of stores and tools, in charge of Dr.Ayres, who, already the representative of the Society, had now beenappointed Government Agent and Surgeon. One of the first measures of thenew agent was to have the town surveyed and lots distributed among thewhole body of colonists. Many of the older settlers found themselvesdispossessed of the holdings improved by their labor, and the colony wassoon in a ferment of excitement and insurrection. Dr. Ayres, finding hishealth failing, judiciously betook himself to the United States.

The arrival of the agent had placed Mr. Ashmun in a false position ofthe most mortifying character. It will be remembered that in sympathyfor the distress of the colony he had assumed the position of agentwithout authority. In the dire necessity of subsequent events he hadbeen compelled to purchase supplies and ammunition in the Society'sname. He now found, himself superseded in authority, his services andself-sacrifice unappreciated, his drafts[9] dishonored, his motivesdistrusted. Nothing could show more strongly his devotion andself-abnegation than his action in the present crisis. Seeing the colonyagain deserted by the agent and in a state of discontent and confusion,he forgot his wrongs and remained at the helm. Order was soon restoredbut the seeds of insubordination remained. The arrival of 103 emigrantsfrom Virginia on the Cyrus, in February 1824, added to the difficulty,as the stock of food was so low that the whole colony had to be put onhalf rations. This necessary measure was regarded by the disaffected asan act of tyranny on Ashmun's part; and when shortly after the completeprostration of his health compelled him to withdraw to the Cape De VerdeIslands, the malcontents sent home letters charging him with all sortsof abuse of power, and finally with desertion of his post! The Societyin consternation applied to Government for an expedition ofinvestigation, and the Rev. R.R. Gurley, Secretary of the Society, andan enthusiastic advocate of colonization was despatched in June on theU.S. schooner Porpoise. The result of course revealed the probity,integrity and good judgment of Mr. Ashman; and Gurley becamethenceforth his warmest admirer. As a preventive of future discontent aConstitution was adopted at Mr. Gurley's suggestion, giving for thefirst time a definite share in the control of affairs to the coloniststhemselves. Gurley brought with him the name of the colony—Liberia, andof its settlement on the Cape—Monrovia, which had been adopted by theSociety on the suggestion of Mr. Robert Goodloe Harper of Maryland. Hereturned from his successful mission in August leaving the most cordialrelations established throughout the colony.

Gurley's visit seemed to mark the turning of the tide, and a period ofgreat prosperity now began. Relay after relay of industrious emigrantsarrived; new land was taken up; successful agriculture removed alldanger of future failure of food supply; and a flourishing trade wasbuilt up at Monrovia. Friendly relations were formed with the natives,and their children taken for instruction into colonial families andschools. New settlements were formed; churches and schools appeared; anefficient militia was organized; printing presses set up and hospitalserected. On every side rapid progress was made. After years ofillustrious service Ashmun retired to his home in New Haven, where hedied a few days later, on August 25, 1828. Under Dr. Richard Randall andDr. Mechlin, who successively filled his post, the prosperity of thecolony continued undiminished.

The decade after 1832 is marked by the independent action of differentState colonization societies. At first generally organized as tributaryto the main body, the State societies now began to form distinctsettlements at other points on the coast. The Maryland Society firststarted an important settlement at Cape Palmas, of which we shall make aspecial study. Bassa Cove was settled by the joint action of the NewYork and Pennsylvania Societies; Greenville, on the Sinou river, byemigrants from Mississippi; and the Louisiana Society engaged in asimilar enterprise. The separate interests of the different settlementsat length began in many cases to engender animosity and bad feeling; theneed of general laws and supervision was everywhere apparent; and amovement toward a federal union of the colonies was set on foot. A planwas at length agreed upon by all except Maryland, by which the colonieswere united into the "Commonwealth of Liberia," whose government wascontrolled by a Board of Directors composed of Delegates from the Statesocieties. This board at its first meeting drew up a plan of government,and Thomas Buchanan was appointed first Governor of the Commonwealth,1837. The advantages of the union were soon apparent. The moreaggressive native tribes with whom not a little trouble had beenexperienced, were made to feel the strength of the union; and many ofthe smaller head-men voluntarily put themselves under the protection ofthe Government, agreeing to become citizens, with all their subjects,and submit to its laws. The traffic in slaves all along the coast waschecked, inter-tribal warfare prevented, and trial by the sassa-woodordeal abolished wherever colonial influence extended. Mr. Buchanan wasthe last white man who exercised authority in Liberia. On his death theLieutenant-Governor, Joseph Jenkins Roberts, succeeded him. Roberts, whoafterward became Liberia's most distinguished citizen, was a VirginiaNegro, having been born at Norfolk in 1809, and brought up nearPetersburg. He obtained a rudimentary education while running aflat-boat on the James and Appomattox Rivers. In 1829 he went with hiswidowed mother and younger brothers to Liberia, where he rapidly rose towealth and distinction. As Governor he evinced an efficientstatesmanship that promised well for his future career.

Roberts had not long been governor when trouble arose with the Britishcoast-wise traders that gave rise to a most interesting crisis. TheLiberian Government in regulating commerce within its jurisdiction hadenacted laws imposing duties on all imported goods. The English traders,accustomed for hundreds of years to unrestricted traffic on this verycoast, were indignant at the presumption of the upstart colony, andignored its regulations. The Government protested, but in vain. And atlength the little colonial revenue schooner John Seyes, whileattempting to enforce the laws at Edina, was actually seized by thestalwart Britisher and dragged before the Admiralty Court at SierraLeone. A long discussion which would be profitless to follow in detail,ensued. The result was, that the John Seyes was confiscated. The BritishGovernment opened a correspondence with the United States, in which itwas ascertained that Liberia was not in political dependence upon them.Whereupon the sovereignty of Liberia was promptly denied, her right toacquire or hold territory questioned, and she was given to understandthat the operations of British traders would in future be backed by theBritish navy.

Evidently if Liberia was to maintain and govern her territory somethingmust be done. The Colonization Society while claiming for Liberia theright to exercise sovereign powers, seems to have had the unacknowledgedconviction, that England's position, however ungenerous, was logicallyunassailable. The supreme authority wielded by the Society, its vetopower over legislative action, was undoubtedly inconsistent with theidea of a sovereign state. This is clearly apparent from the fact thatthough there was pressing necessity for a treaty with England, neitherthe colony nor the Society had power to negotiate it. It was accordinglydetermined to surrender all control over the colony; and the "people ofthe Commonwealth of Liberia" were "advised" by the Society "to undertakethe whole work of self-government;" to make the necessary amendments totheir Constitution, and to declare their full sovereignty to the world.

The suggestion was adopted in Liberia by popular vote, and a conventionmet on July 26, 1847, adopted a Declaration of Independence and a newConstitution, closely modelled on the corresponding documents of theUnited States. In September the Constitution was ratified by vote of thepeople. Governor Roberts was elected to the office of President, uponwhich he entered January 3, 1848. His inaugural address is one ofremarkable interest, fitly proclaiming to the world a new Republic.

IV.

MARYLAND IN LIBERIA.

The widespread interest awakened by the actual establishment of apermanent colony at Monrovia led to the formation of a number of StateColonization Societies, at first purely auxiliary to the central body,but later in some cases independent. The foundation of independentsettlements at Bassa Cove and Sinou by the New York, Pennsylvania andMississippi Societies, and their union in 1837 into the Commonwealth,has been considered. A much more important colony was founded byMaryland at Cape Palmas, which for years maintained its independence.

In 1831, the Maryland State Colonization Society was formed. Activeinterest in the movement had long been felt in the State, and itscarcely needed the eloquence of Robert Finley, son of the old championof colonization, who visited Baltimore in that year, to awakenenthusiasm. The Society had hardly been formed when ample funds wereprovided in an unexpected way. In August, 1831, a tragic Negro uprisingtook place in Virginia, in which some sixty-five white men, women andchildren were murdered. The Southampton Massacres were attributedlargely to the instigation of the troublesome free-Negro element, andthe growing sentiment in favor of emancipation was abruptly checked. TheMaryland Legislature, sharing the general excitement, passed in Decembera resolution which became law in March, and proved to the State Societywhat the Act of March 3, 1819, was to the main organization. Theconnection was more explicit. Three members of the Society were to beappointed Commissioners to remove all free Negroes to Liberia. The sumof $20,000 in the current year, and of $10,000 in each succeeding year,for a period of twenty years, was devoted to the purpose. Any free Negrorefusing to emigrate was to be summarily ejected from the State by thesheriff. The wave of feeling which dictated this monstrous piece oflegislation passed away before any of its harsh provisions were carriedout. But the beneficent portion remained in force. The Society was leftin the enjoyment of the liberal annuity of $10,000.

In October, 1831, and December, 1832, expeditions were sent out whichlanded emigrants at Monrovia. The difficulty of arriving at an agreementwith the parent Society regarding the rights and status of these people,together with other considerations, led to the adoption of the idea offounding a separate colony. The plan was adopted largely through thesupport of Mr. John H.B. Latrobe, throughout his life one of the mostactive and efficient friends of colonization. The motives of theundertaking were distinctly announced to be the gradual extirpation ofslavery in Maryland, and the spread of civilization and Christianity inAfrica. Cape Palmas, a bold promontory marking the point where the coastmakes a sharp bend toward the east, was selected as the new site. Itsconspicuous position makes it one of the best known points on the coast,and some identify it with the "West Horn" reached by Hanno, theCarthaginian explorer, twenty-nine days out from Gades. Dr. James Hall,who had gained experience as physician in Monrovia, was placed in chargeof the expedition, and the brig Ann, with a small number of emigrants,sailed from Baltimore November 28, 1833. A firm legal basis wasprojected for the new establishment in a Constitution to which allemigrants were to subscribe. The experience gained by the older colonywas put to good use. Regular courts, militia, and public schools wereprovided for from the first.

The vessel touched at Monrovia, gathered as many recruits as possiblefrom those sent out on the two previous expeditions, and finallyanchored at Cape Palmas on February 11, 1834. After the usual tedious"palaver" and bargaining, the natives formally sold the required land.The cape is a promontory some seventy-five feet in height, separatedfrom the mainland, except for a narrow, sandy isthmus. A river,navigable for some miles to small boats, opens opposite it, and forms asafe harbor. A long, salt-water lake extends to the east, parallel tothe coast. The land is very fertile and well adapted to farming. Severalnative villages lie near the cape. From a well-founded fear of nativetreachery the colonists laid out their town on the promontory, upon thesummit of which a brass six-pounder was mounted. Farm lands were laidout on the mainland, and in a short time the little community was in athriving condition. None of the distressing misfortunes encountered bythe colony at Monrovia marred the early history of "Maryland inLiberia."

In 1836 the health of Dr. Hall, whose services to the infant colony hadbeen invaluable, became so much impaired that he was obliged to resign.He returned to the United States, and long rendered the Societyefficient service in another capacity. John B. Russwurm, a citizen ofMonrovia, and once editor of the Liberia Herald, was appointedGovernor, and served ably and faithfully until his death in 1851. Earlyin his administration a convenient form of paper currency, receivable atthe Society's store, was introduced, and proved most useful in tradewith the natives. In 1841 some slight difficulties with employes ofmissions led the Society, while still retaining control of affairs, toassert by resolution that the colony was a sovereign State. A revenuelaw introduced in 1846 soon produced an income of about $1,200. In thisyear began the trips of the "Liberia Packet," a vessel maintained by acompany formed to trade between Baltimore and Harper, as the town ofthe colony was named, in honor of Robert Goodloe Harper. A certainamount of trade was guaranteed and other aid given by the Society. In1847 the justiciary was separated from the executive; a chief justiceand a system of courts were provided for.

The year 1852 ended the period during which the Society drew its annualstipend from the State treasury; but the General Assembly was induced toextend the provisions of the Act of 1831 for a further period of sixyears. It may be as well to note here that in 1858 a further extensionwas made for five years, the amount at the same time being reduced to$5,000 per annum.[10] For twenty years the colony had flourished underthe care and good management of the Society. Prosperity now seemedsecure, and a spirit of discontent, a desire to throw off the yoke andassume autonomy began to prevail. The great success following theassumption of Independence by Liberia in 1847, and the recognition atonce obtained from the leading nations of Europe, naturally strengthenedthe feeling. A committee of leading citizens petitioned the Society torelinquish its authority, at the same time demanding or begging almosteverything else in its power to bestow. The Society was further asked byits spoiled fosterling to continue to support schools, providephysicians and medicine, remit debts, and finally, to grant a "loan" ofmoney to meet the expenses of government.[11]

The Board of Managers, though deeming the colony still unripe forindependence, generously determined to grant the request, as madeadvisable by force of circ*mstances. Among other things it was fearedthat the better class of colonists might be attracted toward theindependent State of Liberia. A sort of federal union with that Statewas suggested, but found impracticable. A convention met and drafted aConstitution, which was submitted to the Board. An agreement was reachedas to the conditions of the transfer of the Society's lands, etc. Bothwere ratified by the people, and in May, 1854, Wm. A. Prout was electedGovernor. Other officials, senators and representatives, were chosen atthe same time.

The prosperity of the colony continued under the careful management ofGov. Prout. On his death the Lieutenant-Governor, Wm. S. Drayton,succeeded to his office. It was not long before the "rash and imprudent"conduct of this official precipitated a serious conflict with thenatives. An expedition against them resulted in a demoralizing defeat,with loss of artillery and twenty-six valuable lives. In consternationan urgent appeal was sent to Monrovia. The treasury of the Republic wasexhausted from the effects of the uprising of the Sinou river tribes;but Dr. Hall was fortunately present, and supplied the Government with aloan from the funds of the Maryland Society. One hundred and fifteenLiberian troops, under command of ex-President Roberts, were soonembarked for Cape Palmas, and easily overawed the native chiefs, whoagreed to a fair adjustment of their grievances by treaty, February 26,1857.

The war was not without important results. The Maryland colonists werethoroughly aroused to the weakness of their isolated position, anddetermined to have union with Liberia at any price. It was known thatthe Republic was willing to admit Maryland only as a county, onprecisely the same terms as the other three—Montserado, Sinou, andBassa. State pride and the views of the Society had hitherto kept themfrom such a union; but now, in the reaction from their recent terror, avote of the people called for by Act of the Legislature was unanimous infavor of "County Annexation;" and a committee was appointed to arrangematters at once with Roberts. When he declined to assume any suchresponsibility, they actually proceeded to dissolve the Government, andcede all public property forthwith to the Republic of Liberia. Theinteresting document entitled the "Act or Petition of Annexation," showsthe number of colonists to have been at this time 900 and theaboriginal population about 60,000. The tax on imports produced $1,800 ayear. The State's liabilities were $3,000, with assets estimated at$10,000.

The Liberian Legislature by an Act of April, 1857, formally received thecolony into the Republic as "Maryland County." The advantages gained bythis change undoubtedly more than counterbalanced any loss ofindependence. Though the total dissolution of the government andsurrender of all rights and property before any negotiation withLiberian authorities had taken place, seems inconceivably rashstatescraft, the wisdom of the colonists in desiring the union isunquestionable.

At the time of annexation the Maryland Colonization Society had on handsome $6,000, which was invested, and the interest devoted to a school atCape Palmas; in connection with this trust its existence is prolonged.Up to the end of its period of activity it had received and expendednearly half a million dollars; the balance sheet of December 31, 1857,may be of interest:

State Appropriations, ……….. $ 930.00
State Colonization Tax, ……… 12,851.00
Colonial Agency, ……………. 1,091.85
Columbia Expedition, ………… 248.88
Stock of C. & L. Trading Co., … 1,250.00
Mdse., …………………….. 104.62
State Fund, ………………… 241,922.16
Contributions, ……………… 45,385.74
Profit and Loss, ……………. 139,972.31-1/2
J.T.G., Colonial Agent, ……… 126.70
———————
443,883.26-1/2

V.

THE REPUBLIC OF LIBERIA.

The History of Liberia from this point on assumes a peculiar interest.The capacity and capabilities of the Negro are subjected to a crucialtest. He is left fully freed from the control or influence of an alienrace, in possession of a borrowed civilization, and of a borrowedpolitical system of an advanced type, dependent on popular intelligencefor its very existence. Can he maintain his position? Will he makefurther progress, developing along lines peculiar to his race andenvironment, and spreading a new civilization among the adjacent tribes?Or is he to lapse helplessly back into his original condition—to beabsorbed into the dense masses of surrounding barbarism? The question isa vital one. The solution of weighty problems in large part depends uponthe answer.

The form of government was, as has been seen, closely copied from thatof the United States. There is the same tripartite division—executive,legislative and judicial. The President is elected every two years, onthe first Tuesday in May. He is commander-in-chief of the army and navy;makes treaties with the concurrence of two-thirds of the Senate, withwhose advice he also appoints all public officers not otherwise providedfor by law.

The legislative authority consists of a Senate of two members from eachcounty, elected for four years, and a House of Representatives holdingoffice for two years; four members being apportioned to Montseradocounty, three to Bassa, one to each other county, with one additionalrepresentative for each 10,000 inhabitants. The judicial power wasvested in a Supreme Court with original jurisdiction in all casesaffecting ambassadors and consuls and where the Republic is a party, andappellate jurisdiction in all other cases; and in subordinate courts tobe established by the Legislature.

The majority of the colonists had been long accustomed to similarinstitutions in the land of their captivity, and the new machinery ofgovernment was soon running smoothly. Within the little State peace andprosperity prevailed; its foreign relations, on the contrary, wereinvolved in the greatest uncertainty. It had indeed severed the leadingstrings which bound it to its natural protector, and stood forth in theassertion of its independence. But it was wholly unsupported andunrecognized. The dispute with England, whose protegé on the northlooked with jealousy and distrust on Liberian policy, remainedunsettled. The danger was real and pressing. Clearly recognition must besought and an international footing obtained without delay. PresidentRoberts accordingly determined to go abroad, and as at once chiefmagistrate and ambassador appeal to the leading courts of Europe. Hisfirst effort, however, was directed toward obtaining alliance with theUnited States. In America his reception was enthusiastic. But thedelicacy with which the dissension on the slavery question made itnecessary to handle every subject remotely bearing on that bone ofcontention, prevented him from obtaining even the formal recognition ofLiberia. Roberts then determined by pleading his country's cause inEngland to arouse compassion in the heart of the power from which therewas most to fear. Here substantial rewards met his efforts. Hisprepossessing personality, tact, and statesmanlike qualities won manyfriends.[12] With their support the recognition of Liberia as asovereign State was soon obtained, together with a commercial treatywhich left nothing to be desired. In further evidence of kindlysentiment the English Government presented the young Republic with atrim little cutter of four guns for coast protection. In France andBelgium similar generous treatment was experienced, and Roberts wasconveyed home in triumph on the British man-of-war Amazon.

A second visit of Roberts to England, in 1852, four years later, toadjust disputes with traders who claimed certain tracts of land, wasequally successful, and France, under Louis Napoleon, presented him witharms and uniforms for the equipment of the Liberian troops. In 1852Prussia also extended her friendship, soon followed by Brazil and thefree Hanse towns. In 1862, the necessity for cautious dealing with therace question having passed away, the United States government at lastformally recognized the Republic, and Holland, Sweden, Norway, and Haytiformed treaties in 1864. The consent of Portugal and Denmark in 1865,and of Austria in 1867, brought Liberia into treaty relations withnearly all the leading commercial nations.

The internal condition of the Republic during the first decade was oneof unprecedented growth and prosperity. The Colonization Society inAmerica was in a flourishing condition, and gained friends on everyside. Its receipts for the ten years were not far short of a milliondollars; and this generous means permitted the transportation, in thesame period, of over five thousand chosen emigrants. The accession of solarge a force of laborers added a new stimulus to the activity awakenedby self-government. Many new settlements were formed and all the olderones received an infusion of new strength. Agriculture, especially thecultivation of the great staples, rice, coffee, sugar and cotton, maderapid progress; while commerce was stimulated by the establishment ofregular monthly lines of steamers between England and various points onthe coast, the first of which was started in 1853. The enterprise ofHolland soon added still other lines. Communication with America was atthe same time facilitated by the regular trips of a large vessel builtfor the purpose, the gift to the Society of Mr. John C. Stevens ofMaryland.

At the close of his fourth administration President Roberts decided todecline reëlection. For eight years he had been at the helm, and hadbrought the ship of state safely through her first perilous voyages. Andnow while the waters seemed smooth and skies serene he thought it bestto intrust her guidance to other hands. The election took place in May,1855, amidst scenes of political strife and party violence at onceintense and short-lived. It resulted in the choice of Stephen A. Bensonfor President and Beverly P. Yates for Vice-President. Both weredistinctly the product of Liberian training. Benson was brought over, atthe age of six years, by his parents in 1822, and received his entireeducation in the country. He became a successful merchant and enteredpolitical life in the wake of Roberts. As chief magistrate he showedhimself a practical and efficient man, with the interests of the countryat heart.

One of the leading objects of Benson's policy was the improvement andelevation of the aborigines; but his designs were in part frustrated bythe outbreak of a stubborn and exhausting war with the native tribesdwelling about the Sinou River. Details must be omitted for want ofspace; but this war devastated four settlements and sadly depleted thenational treasury. It was soon afterwards that the Maryland colony atCape Palmas was almost overwhelmed in a similar native uprising, andunited with the Republic, as elsewhere narrated.

A widespread scarcity of provisions followed these wars, which gave riseto much apprehension. But this eventually did good in giving newemphasis to the fact that main reliance must be placed upon agriculturerather than trade. The great resources of Liberia were shown at aNational Fair, held in December, 1858; premiums were awarded for thebest specimens of coffee, arrow-root, cotton, rice, ginger, potatoes,oxen, sheep, swine, turkeys, butter, preserves; cloth and socks ofAfrican cotton; boots; soap and candles from palm oil; ploughs, hoes andother implements from native iron and home manufacture; farina;chocolate; planks, shingles, cabinet work, and many other products ofLiberian agriculture and industry.

President Benson was reelected without opposition, and entered upon hissecond term in January, 1858. A fresh outbreak of the slave trade inthis year was followed by a number of captures by U.S. cruisers, givingrise to the old difficulty in regard to the disposition of the cargoes.The Act of March 3, 1819, which had long fallen into disuse, wasrevived, and a contract made with the Colonization Society to transportand maintain for a twelvemonth the recaptured Africans already on theGovernment's hands. The substitution of small, swift steamers for thecraft of older days so increased the efficiency of the navy thatcaptures were made in rapid succession. Within two months 1,432 Africanswere landed at Key West. This state of affairs made further legislationimmediately necessary. Congress, acting upon the suggestion of aPresidential message, passed an Act amending the Act of March 3, 1819,which empowered the President to form a five-years' contract with "anyperson or persons, society or societies," to receive in Africa and carefor the unfortunates rescued from slavers, for the period of one year,and at a price of $100 per capita. Commanders of cruisers were to beinstructed to land their captures directly upon the coast of Liberiawhenever practicable; immediate measures were to be taken for removingto Africa those already at Key West; and the sum of $250,000 wasappropriated to defray expenses.

Three large vessels were at once chartered and stored with $60,000 worthof supplies; with the least possible delay the suffering crowd at KeyWest was transported to Liberia; but only 893 survived the passage. Theeffect of the new orders issued to the U.S. slave squadron was soon feltin Liberia. On August 8, 1860, the Storm King unexpectedly arrivedwith a cargo of 619; within twenty-four hours the Erie, prize to thesteamer Mohican, followed with 867. Tidings came that still largernumbers were en route. The effect of this inundation of liberatedbarbarians upon the small civilized community, already surrounded bysavage swarms, may be imagined. The greatest consternation prevailed,and excitement rose to fever heat. President Benson wrote to the Societythat great evils would result unless means were liberally supplied, andentire control of the new arrivals given to the Liberian Government. TheSociety accordingly transferred the execution of its contracts to thatgovernment, and placed at its disposal all money received by theirterms. This action seems to have allayed the worst apprehensions; andalthough over 4,000 recaptured Africans were landed within the space oftwo months, no harm seems to have resulted. They made rapid progress incivilization, becoming assimilated to and in many cases intermarryingwith the colonists; from among them arose some of the best citizens ofthe Republic.

President Benson's policy in regard to the natives was successful inbringing many tribes much more closely under the influence of thegovernment. A number of steps were taken toward actively spreading amongthem the arts of civilized life, improving their methods of agriculture,and checking the evils of intertribal warfare and of superstition. Apoll tax of one dollar a year was levied on each male adult, to becollected from the chiefs of the several districts; with a part of thefunds thus raised schools for popular instruction were to be establishedthroughout the country.

The control and oversight by the central authority of so many smallsettlements scattered over a large range of coast had been greatlyfacilitated by the small armed cutter presented in 1848 by the Englishgovernment. This was now found to be hopelessly out of repair, and wasgenerously replaced by the donor with another and somewhat largervessel—the Quail, an armed schooner of 123 tons. About the same timethe New York Society sent over a small steamer to provide rapid andregular communication between points along the coast. In honor of aliberal benefactor it was called the "Seth Grosvenor."

The third and fourth administrations of Benson passed uneventfully, andin January, 1864, Daniel B. Warner, who, the May previous, had beenelected, succeeded him. Warner was born near Baltimore, in 1812, andemigrated in 1823. The Civil War in America, with the sanguine hopes itaroused in the breast of the Negro, caused a rapid falling off in thenumber of applicants for transportation to Liberia. The income of theSociety for once exceeded the demand upon it, and several goodinvestments were made. Liberia, however, was demanding more cultivators.A supply came from an unexpected quarter. Two societies were organizedby thrifty negroes of Barbadoes, to return to Africa and make their homein the new Republic. Agents were sent out, and sympathy with theirenterprise enlisted. The Liberian Government issued a proclamation ofcordial invitation, and the Legislature appropriated $4,000 to assistthe colonists, increasing in their case the allotment of land from tento twenty-five acres for each family. The Colonization Society devoted$10,000 to their aid, and despatched an experienced agent to take chargeof the expedition. A large vessel was chartered, and after a pleasantvoyage of thirty-three days, without the loss of a single life, 346emigrants were landed at Monrovia. They proved a welcome and valuableacquisition, many being mechanics and skilled laborers.

After the close of the war, the alluring prospect of "ten acres and amule" having failed our freedmen, the Society again received numerousapplications for passage. The M. C. Stevens had been sold during theperiod of depression; another and larger vessel, the Golconda, wastherefore purchased and fitted for an emigrant ship. During her firstfour voyages she safely carried over 1,684 persons.

In January, 1867, the semi-centennial of the founding of theColonization Society was celebrated in Washington. From the review ofthe fifty years' work it appeared that the sum of $2,558,907 had beenexpended, exclusive of outlay by the Maryland Society, and of the largesums expended by the United States Government. 11,909 emigrants had beensent over, in 147 vessels; of these 4,541 were born free, 344 purchasedfreedom, and 5,957 were emancipated for the purpose of going toLiberia.[13] Besides these, 1,227 had been settled by the MarylandSociety, and 5,722 recaptured Africans had been sent back by the UnitedStates Government.

In January, 1868, James S. Payne entered upon the office of President.He is another example of Liberian training. Born in Richmond, Va., in1819, he was taken before his tenth year to Monrovia by his father. Oneof the leading purposes of his administration was the establishment ofcloser intercourse with the great tribes of the interior. These people,the Mandingoes especially, were much further advanced in civilizationthan the coast tribes, who formed a barricade between them and Liberia,and offered determined opposition to any attempt to penetrate inland.They feared to lose their advantageous position as middlemen, andsucceeded in keeping anything but the vaguest rumors about the interiorfrom reaching the colonists. In 1869 Benjamin Anderson, a young Liberianappointed by the Government, and provided with liberal financial aid bya wealthy citizen of New York, accomplished an extremely interestingjourney to a point over 200 miles from the coast.[14]

With great difficulty and the expense of a small fortune in presents tocaptious and rapacious chiefs, he succeeded in making his way from pointto point along a course roughly corresponding to that of the St. Paul'sRiver. The route lay through dense forests, along paths worn by manygenerations of native feet. The ascent was steady; at 100 miles from thecoast the elevation was 1,311 feet, and toward the end of the journeyit rose to 2,257 feet. All along the way the population was dense, andshowed a steady improvement in character, civilization and hospitalityas the coast was left behind. The object of his journey, Musardu, thechief city of the Western Mandingoes, was at length reached, just on theedge of the primeval forest. Beyond lies a vast plateau covered withtall grass, showing here and there a solitary palm, and stretching awayto the head waters of the Niger. The climate is wholesome, the airbracing, and the soil fertile.

The city proved large and populous; the houses were small and of amonotonous uniformity, bewilderingly placed without apparentarrangement. The whole was surrounded with a huge mud wall, which servednot only as a defense against foes, but to keep out wild beasts,especially elephants, herds of which were frequently seen near the town.The inhabitants were strict Mussulmans, and were much further advancedin civilization than even the most intelligent tribes through which hehad passed. They had an extensive commerce with the interior, caravanscoming from places as distant as Timbuctoo. Good horses were plentiful,and there were evidences of the existence of valuable gold mines.Anderson was received with profuse hospitality; they appeared to bedelighted with the idea of opening trade with Liberia, and promisedgold, ivory and various commodities in exchange for European goods.

Another journey with the same general results was subsequently made byanother citizen, to Pulaka, about one hundred miles to the southeast ofMonrovia. These explorations are of great interest. They show the beltof coast occupied by Liberia to be merely the entrance to a high andhealthful interior of great fertility and unlimited resources, overwhich the Republic has power to expand indefinitely.

President Payne's successor was Edward James Roye, who was dulyinaugurated January 3, 1870. Born in Newark, Ohio, in 1815, he hadpassed through the public schools of his native town, afterwardsattending the college at Athens, Ohio, and Oberlin. He went to Liberiain 1846, becoming a prosperous merchant and politician. From 1865 to1868 he held the post of Chief Justice. Roye came into office at a timewhen a rage for internal improvements possessed the country; and withthis spirit he was in full sympathy. His inaugural outlines a bold andambitious policy. The resources of the Treasury were entirely inadequateto his extensive projects, and in an evil moment the Legislature passedan Act authorizing the negotiation of a loan of $500,000. The loan wasplaced in London on terms which netted only £85 per bond of £100,redeemable at par in 15 years and bearing interest at 7 per cent. Theamount thus offered was further reduced by the requirement that thefirst two years' interest should be paid in advance. From the remainderwere deducted various agents' commissions and fees, until at length theprincipal reached Monrovia sadly reduced in amount,—not over $200,000.And this soon disappeared without any visible result. It is an oldstory; but in Liberia's case it was particularly disastrous. For withher little revenue, rarely exceeding $100,000, it soon became impossibleto pay the $35,000 yearly interest on a debt for which she hadpractically received not a single advantage. And this accumulating atcompound interest has reached a magnitude absolutely crushing. Sodesperate is her financial condition that many believe inevitable thefate which croaking prophets have long foretold, and against which shehas struggled bravely—absorption by England.

Serious as were the more remote effects of the financial blunder justconsidered, its immediate consequences brought upon the country a crisiswhich might have resulted in civil war. Great dissatisfaction with thenegotiation of the loan prevailed. The Administration was severelycriticised; serious accusations were brought against it. While theexcitement was at fever heat matters were complicated by an attempt ofthe Administration to prolong its hold of office, which precipitated thethreatened outbreak. For some years a Constitutional Amendment had beenunder consideration, lengthening the term of President and members of theLegislature. The measure had been submitted to the people, and twicevoted upon; but the result was a subject of dispute. Roye and his partymaintained that it had been duly carried and was a part of the organiclaw of the land; and that as a consequence his term did not expire untilJanuary, 1874. A proclamation was issued forbidding the coming biennialelections to be held.

This action at once aroused violent opposition. A strong party declaredthat the amendment had not been carried; and in any event could not beconstrued to apply to the present incumbent. The proclamation wasdisregarded; the polls opened on the accustomed day; and the veteranJoseph J. Roberts, aptly called the epitome of Liberian history, waselected by large majorities.

Far from being subdued by the decided expression of popular will Royeand his supporters, with the spirit of the decemvirs of old, determinedto maintain power at any hazard. Roberts's election was declaredillegal, and of no effect. Throughout the summer the two parties stoodat daggers drawn. At length the increasing strength of the oppositionencouraged the thought of removing the President from office. The legalmethod of impeachment seemed far too slow and uncertain for the temperof the times. An excited convention was held in Monrovia, October 26,1871, at which a "Manifesto" was adopted decreeing his deposition. A fewextracts disclose its character:

"President Roye has, contrary to the Constitution, proclaimed himself
President for four years, although elected for only two years.

"He has distributed arms and munitions of war, and has not ceased hisefforts to procure armed men to crush the liberties of the people.

"He has contracted a foreign loan contrary to the law made and provided;and without an act of appropriation by the Legislature he has with hisofficers been receiving the proceeds of that loan.

"Every effort to induce him to desist from his unconstitutional coursehas been unavailing. Threats and entreaties have been alike lost uponhim. He has turned a deaf ear to the remonstrances from all the countiesof the Republic:

"Therefore, on the 26th day of October in the year of our Lord 1871, andin the twenty-fifth year of the Independence of the Republic, thesovereign people of Liberia did by their resolutions in the city ofMonrovia, joined to the resolutions from the other counties of theRepublic, depose President E.J. Roye from his high office of Presidentof Liberia; and did decree that the Government shall be provisionallyconducted by a Chief Executive Committee of three members, and by thechiefs of Departments until the arrival of the constitutional officer atthe seat of Government."

Before the party of the Administration could recover from the shock ofthis action, President Roye and his Secretaries of State and of theTreasury were arrested and thrown into prison,—a coup d'état whichmade his opponents undisputed masters of the situation. The appointedCommittee took charge of affairs; the excitement died away with arapidity characteristic of Liberian politics, and in January, 1872,Roberts was triumphantly inaugurated. Roye died in prison soonafterward.

A reign of peace and prosperity followed under Roberts, interruptedtoward the end of another term, to which he was elected, by a severe warwith the Grebo tribe near Cape Palmas. Limited space will preventdetailed consideration of the later history of the Republic. Payne waselected to a second term in 1876. A.W. Gardiner was Chief Executive forthree successive terms, from 1878-1884; and H.R.W. Johnson, a nativeborn Liberian, son of the famous pioneer Elijah Johnson, was madePresident in 1884. The recent years of the Republic have not brought anincreased tide of immigration, nor any marked progress. The diminishedinterest in colonization felt in the United States so crippled thefinances of the Society that few immigrants have been sent in the lastdecade. That large numbers of Negroes are willing, even anxious to go,is shown by the lists of the Society, which has adopted the policy ofaiding only those who can pay a part of their passage. Several instancesof the formation of societies among the Negroes themselves to providefor their own transportation have occurred. In South Carolina the"Liberia Joint Stock Steamship Company" was formed, which succeeded inpurchasing a vessel and sending over one expedition of 274 emigrants.The company was unfortunate and failed financially before anotherattempt could be made. In Arkansas a large secret Society for the sameobject was formed, several hundred members of which made their way toNew York and prevailed upon the Colonization Society to give thempassage.[15]

The culmination of a dispute with Great Britain over the north-westernboundary of Liberia is perhaps the most interesting topic of her recenthistory. The boundaries of the Republic were never very definitelymarked out, as her territory grew by gradual settlement and purchasefrom native chiefs. Even to-day there is no hard and fast interiorborder line; the country extends back indefinitely from the coast, newland being taken up as settlement proceeds. In 1849 the coast lineacquired in this way extended from the San Pedro River on the south-eastto Cape Mount, the extreme settlement on the north-west. Between 1849and 1852 various purchases were made from the natives covering somefifty miles more of the north-western seaboard. These purchases extendedto She-Bar, very near Sherbro Island, and were confirmed by formal deedsfrom chiefs of the local tribes. The conditions of the deeds boundLiberia to establish schools in the districts ceded, and to guaranteethe protection, peace and safety of the natives. If now a fewsettlements had been made in this territory all future trouble wouldhave been avoided; but all available energy was needed for intensivedevelopment, and the newly acquired territory was left uncolonized. Inthe course of time English traders established themselves within thisdistrict, who refused to recognize Liberia's jurisdiction, and whosmuggled in large quantities of goods in bold defiance of the revenuelaws. As early as 1866 correspondence with the British Government wasopened; and Liberia's jurisdiction was more than once virtuallyrecognized. Matters were complicated by the outbreak of disturbancesamong the natives, in quelling which the Republic was obliged to usemilitary force—a course which resulted in the destruction of propertybelonging to the English traders. Claims were at once brought againstLiberia through the English Government to a large aggregate amount.Holding Liberia liable for damages received in the territory was apractical admission of her jurisdiction. Nothing was accomplished until1871, when Lord Granville proposed to President Roye, who was then inEngland, to compromise on the River Solyma as the limit of the Republic.This is about the middle of the disputed territory. Roye weakly agreed,and this agreement is known as the Protocol of 1871. It was not ratifiedby the Senate. The tact of President Roberts staved off the crisis forsome time; but at length the English Foreign Office demanded asettlement, and a commission of two from each State and an arbitratorappointed by the President of the United States met on the ground. Everypossible delay and impediment was resorted to by the Britishcommissioners, who further refused to submit the points disputed to theumpire. Of course, no agreement was reached.

The situation remained unchanged until 1882. On March 20 four Britishmen-of-war silently entered the harbor, and Sir A.E. Havelock, Governorof Sierra Leone, came ashore. President Gardiner was intimidated intoacceding to the demand that the boundary should be fixed at the MannaRiver, only fifteen miles from Cape Mount. But when this "DraftConvention," as it was called, came before the Senate for ratification,it was indignantly repudiated. At the next regular meeting of theLegislature in December, a resolution refusing to ratify the DraftConvention was passed, and a copy sent to Havelock. It elicited thereply:—

"Her Majesty's Government cannot in any case recognize any rights on thepart of Liberia to any portions of the territories in dispute," followedby the peremptory announcement that "Her Majesty's Government considerthat they are relieved from the necessity of delaying any longer toratify an agreement made by me with the Gallinas, Solyma, and MannaRiver chiefs on the 30th of March, 1882, whereby they ceded to HerMajesty the coast line of their territories up to the right bank of theManna River."

Liberia made a last feeble effort. A "Protest" was drawn up and sent tothe various powers with whom she stood in treaty relations—of course,without result. The President of the United States replied at once,counselling acquiescence. Nothing else was possible. The Senateauthorized the President to accept the terms dictated, and the "DraftConvention" was signed November 11, 1885. On April 26, 1888, Sir SamuelRowe visited Monrovia and formally exchanged ratifications. Thus oncemore strength proved triumphant; Liberia's boundary was set at the MannaRiver, and Sierra Leone, which had possessed but a few hills and swamps,was given a valuable coast line.

VI.

HISTORIC SIGNIFICANCE OF COLONIZATION.

Colonization has come to be looked upon with unmeritedindifference—with an apathy which its history and achievements surelydo not deserve. To some, perhaps the present condition of the Republicseems a discouraging and inadequate return for the life and treasurelavished upon it; for others, hoping for a bloodless and gradualextinction of slavery, the Civil War carried away the chief element ofinterest. Others still, who looked for a ready solution of the NegroProblem in this country, have gradually lost heart in the face of theincreasing millions of the race. And so, some from one cause, some fromanother, have lost interest in colonization and in Liberia, until a timehas come when few have more than the vaguest knowledge of these terms.Sometimes the voice of contempt is heard; but this is always a proof ofignorance. Liberia stands forth historically as the embodiment of anumber of ideas, efforts, principles, any one of which ought to secureat the least our respect, if not our sympathy and enthusiasm.

1. As a Southern Movement toward Emancipation.

This thesis will doubtless meet with the most strenuous opposition; buta careful and impartial study of the writings and addresses of thosemost prominent in the movement will convince anyone of their profoundhope that colonization would eventually lead to the extinction ofslavery in the United States. It must be remembered that at the time ofthe formation of the Society the pro-slavery feeling in the South was byno means so strong as it became in later years, when the violence ofAbolition had fanned it to a white heat. Indeed, during the whole periodbefore 1832 there seems to have been a prevailing sentiment in favor ofemancipation—at least throughout Maryland, Virginia, and NorthCarolina. But the condition of the free blacks was notoriously such thatthe humane master hesitated to doom his slaves to it by emancipatingthem. The colonizationist hoped, by offering to the free Negro anattractive home in Africa, to induce conscientious masters everywhere toliberate their slaves, and to give rise to a growing popular sentimentcondemning slavery, which would in time result in its extinction. Ofcourse there were those in the Society who would not have subscribed tothis doctrine; on the other hand, many held views much more radical. Butit is the men who formed and guided the Society, who wielded itsinfluence and secured its success, whose opinions must be regarded asstamping its policy.

The Constitution of the Society did not touch upon this subject. It wasneedless to give unnecessary alarm or offense. But when in 1833 theMaryland Society adopted its Constitution—a much larger and moreexplicit one—the attitude taken is boldly announced:

"Whereas the Maryland State Colonization Society desires to hasten asfar as they can the period when slavery shall cease to exist inMaryland, and believing that this can best be done by advocating andassisting the cause of colonization as the safest, truest and bestauxiliary of freedom under existing circ*mstances," etc.

It may well be questioned whether such a plan would ever have succeeded:but it must not too hastily be called chimerical. As a practical resultit secured the emancipation of several thousand slaves, many of whomwere supplied by former owners with money for transportation andestablishment in Africa. What further success it might have had wasprevented by the rise of the Abolition Movement. The intensepro-slavery feeling which this stirred up in the South caused theColonization Society to be regarded with distrust and even activehostility. It was accused of secretly undermining slavery and excitingfalse hopes among the slaves. It was even said to foment discontent andraise dangerous questions for sinister purposes, and was subjected tobitter attack as "disguised Abolitionism."

From the opposite extreme of opinion the Society suffered assault stillmore violent. William Lloyd Garrison, in his intemperate zeal for"immediate emancipation without expatriation," could see nothing butduplicity and treachery in the motives of its adherents. His "Thoughtson Colonization" hold up the movement to public odium as the sum of allvillainies, and in the columns of the Liberator no insult or reproachis spared. His wonderful energy and eloquence brought over to his camp anumber of the Society's friends, and enabled him in his English campaignto exhibit it in a light so odious that he actually brought back aprotest signed by the most eminent anti-slavery men of that country.

Assailed on one side and on the other the Society, as we have seen,serenely pursued its course. Apparently it did not suffer. But it canscarcely be doubted that its growth and expansion were seriously checkedby the cross-fire to which it was subjected. Among the negroesthemselves prejudices were industriously disseminated, and everythingwas done to make them believe themselves duped and cheated.

From these reasons colonization never reached the proportions hoped forby those who looked to it for the gradual extinction of slavery. But weshould not fail to recognize in the movement an earnest and noble, iftoo ambitious, effort to solve, without violence or bloodshed, a problemonly half disposed of by Lincoln's edict and the Fifteenth Amendment.

2. As a Check to the Slave-Trade.

The coast upon which the colony was established had for several hundredyears been one of the chief resorts of the slave dealers of the westernshores of Africa. Their "factories" were situated at numerous points onboth sides of the early settlements. The coast tribes, broken up anddemoralized by the traffic, waged ceaseless wars for the sole purpose ofobtaining for the trader a supply of his commodity. It was their onlymeans of getting supplies of the products and manufactures ofcivilization; and, as we have seen, when they found the presence of thenewcomers an obstacle to their chief industry, they took up arms toexpel them.

Until the year 1807 there was no restriction whatever on the traffic,and the proportions which it reached, the horrors it entailed, arealmost incredible. Sir T.F. Buxton estimated on careful calculationsthat the trade on the western coast resulted in a loss to Africa of500,000 persons annually. At length the progress of humanity droveEngland to declare war on the infamous traffic, and her cruisers pliedthe length of the continent to prevent infractions of her decree. Atenormous expense the entire coast was put in a state of blockade.

The result was mortifying. Instead of disappearing, the exportation ofslaves was found actually to increase, while the attending horrors weremultiplied. Small, swift cutters took the place of the roomy slave-shipsof older days, and the victims, hurriedly crowded into slave-decks but afew feet high, suffered ten-fold torments on the middle passage frominadequate supplies of food and water.

The colonists, even in their early feebleness, set their face resolutelyagainst the slave trade: its repression was a cardinal principle. Theirfirst serious wars were waged on its account. Ashmun risked his life inthe destruction of the factories at New Cesters and elsewhere. Theslavers, warned by many encounters, forsook at first the immediateneighborhood of the settlements, and, as the coast line was graduallytaken up, abandoned at length, after many a struggle, the entire region.Six hundred miles of the coast was permanently freed from an inhuman anddemoralizing traffic that defied every effort of the British navalforce. Nor was this all. The natives were reconciled by the introductionof a legitimate commerce which supplied all they had sought from thesale of human beings.

In still another way did the colony exercise a humane influence. Amongthe natives exists a domestic slavery so cruel and barbarous that thelot of the American plantation Negro seemed paradise in comparison. Lifeand limb are held of such small value that severe mutilation is thepenalty of absurdly slight transgressions, or is imposed at thearbitrary displeasure of the master, while more serious offenses arepunished by death in atrocious form: as when the victim is buried alivewith stakes driven through his quivering body.[16] The institution is ofcourse a difficult one to uproot. But among the natives in the morethickly settled portions of the country it has ceased, and is mitigatedwherever the influence of the Government penetrates, while the number ofvictims is greatly diminished by the cessation of inter-tribal warfare.

In this way Liberia has proved, from the standpoint of humanity,pre-eminently successful.

3. As a Step toward the Civilization of Africa.

George Whitefield is said to have declared to Oglethorpe when lamentinghis failure to exclude slavery from Georgia, that he was making amistake: the Africans were much better off as slaves than in theirnative barbarism, and would receive a training that would enable themultimately to return and civilize the land of their nativity. In thisbold idea he anticipated one of the leading thoughts of the fathers ofcolonization, and, perhaps prophesied, a great migration which theworld is yet to see. But to confine ourselves to the present and thestrictly practical—there is to the interior of Liberia, sweeping awaybeyond the valley of the Niger, a country of teeming population and vastresources. That this territory be opened to the commerce of the world,and the blessings of civilization be conferred upon the people, it isnecessary that some impulse of enlightenment come from without. Thecasual visit of the trader has been proved by experience to do vastlymore harm than good. Vice and demoralization have too often followed inhis track. The direction and instruction of European agents accomplishlittle. The best efforts of all men of this class have resulted in anunequal hand-to-hand fight with the deadly climate, in which no whiteman can work and live. Besides, the natives need more than guidance;they must have before them the example of a civilized settlement.

It would be impossible to imagine a more ideal agent for accomplishingthis work than Liberia. True, its slow development has prevented it asyet from penetrating to the most fruitful portion of the interiordistrict; but so far as it has gone the work has been wonderful. Oneafter another of the native chiefs has sought, with his people,admission to the privileges of citizenship, agreeing to conform to thelaws of the country and abolish inconsistent aboriginal customs. Theschools are full of native children, while large numbers are distributedin a sort of apprenticeship among Liberian families for training in thearts of civilized life. The English language has become widely known.More remote tribes, while retaining native customs, have entered intoagreements or treaties to abstain from war, to keep open roads androutes of commerce, to protect travellers and missionaries and suchLiberians as may settle among them. This is in itself an advance; and inaddition various forms of knowledge, improved implements and methods ofa*griculture must enter in and insensibly raise these tribes to a higherplane.

In reclaiming the natives lies a source of great future power forLiberia. When immigration from the United States shall assume suchproportions that numbers of interior settlements can be made which shallbe radiating centres of civilization, the enormous potential energy ofnative intelligence and labor will be brought to bear on the developmentof the country with marvellous results.

4. As a Missionary Effort.

The attempts of the Christian Church to evangelize the western districtsof Africa constitute one of the saddest and most discouraging records ofhistory. From the first attempt of the Roman church in 1481, it has beenone continuous narrative of a futile struggle against disease and death.A whole army of martyrs has gone bravely to its doom leaving no trace ofits sacrifice save unmarked and forgotten graves. It has indeed been abitter experience that has proved this work can be successfullyundertaken only by men of African blood, for whom the climate has noterrors. And the superiority of an established Christian community to afew isolated missionary stations requires no demonstration. From thefirst the colonists were active in spreading a knowledge of the Gospelamong the natives. Lot Cary, one of the earliest emigrants, was anearnest missionary, and besides efficient work at home he establishedmission stations at Cape Mount and elsewhere.

In 1826 four emissaries of the Basle Missionary College made Monroviatheir headquarters, and did some good work; but they soon succumbed tothe climate. The American churches of those denominations most largelyrepresented in Liberia—the Episcopal, Presbyterian, Baptist andMethodist—made strenuous efforts, and sent out a succession ofmissionaries, most of whom fell victims to the fever. Later, afterlearning the salutary lesson, they accomplished much through theorganization and direction of the work of Liberian missionaries. Inthis way the gospel is safely and successfully propagated among thenatives.

A foe more stubborn than paganism is to be met in the ranks of Islam.There seems to be something in its teachings which renders the native aready convert. Its simplicity is readily understood; and it sanctionsthe practices of polygamy and slave-holding to which he is accustomed.Under the zealous proselytism of the Mandingoes the Mohammedan faith hastaken a strong hold on the interior, and is spreading rapidly to thevery doors of Liberia. Candor compels the admission that it brings withit a marked improvement in the condition and intelligence of theconverts. Intemperance—which in many cases follows in the tracks of theChristian merchant—disappears. A knowledge of Arabic is soon acquiredand the Koran is eagerly read and its principles put in practice. Thewhole life of the convert is transformed, and he becomes in turn zealousin the dissemination of the faith. The efforts of missionaries alone cannever stem this torrent; if any impression is to be made upon theMohammedan tribes it must be by the extension of Christian settlementsand civilization.

5. As a Refuge to the Negro from the Pressure of Increasing Competitionin America.

It would be unnecessary to bring into review the causes that areoperating daily to make the conditions of earning a living in Americamore difficult. However much or little credence we place in theMalthusian theory of the increase of population, in the doctrine ofdiminishing returns, or the iron law of wages, all thinking men areagreed that the country is already entering upon a new era. The periodof expansion, of the taking up of new territory by the overflowingpopulation of the older districts, is practically ended; futuredevelopment will be intensive, the country will be more thickly settled,and the sharpness of competition will be immeasurably increased. Thepossibility of rising in life will be reduced to a minimum; and therewill exist a class, as in the older civilizations of Europe, who live,and expect to see their children live, in a subordinate or inferiorrelation, without the prospect of anything better.

There may be under this new régime a number of occupations in which theNegro, by contentedly accepting a subordinate position, may hold hisground. Or the conditions of life may become so severe that a sharpstruggle for existence will leave in possession the race which shallprove fittest to survive. To follow the train of thought would lead intoall the unsolved difficulties of the Negro Problem. But surely therewill be some among all the millions of the race who will becomedissatisfied with their life here. Some will aspire to higher things,some will seek merely a field where their labor will meet an adequatereturn; many will be moved by self-interest, a few by nobler motives. Toall these Liberia eagerly opens her arms. The pressure in America findsan efficient safety-valve in the colonization of Africa.

With such additions to her strength, the resources of Liberia will bebrought out and developed. Communication with America will be madeeasier and cheaper. The toiling masses left behind will have before themthe constant example of numbers of their race living in comfort andincreasing prosperity under their own government. Many will become eagerto secure the same advantages, and gradually a migration will begin thatwill carry hundreds of thousands from the house of bondage to thepromised land.

It is absurd to declaim about "expatriation" and to declare such amovement forced and unnatural. The whole course of history reveals menleaving their homes under pressure of one cause or another, and strikingout into new fields. The western course of migration has reached itsuttermost limit, and the tide must turn in other directions. One vastand rich continent remains; upon it the eyes of the world are fixed.Already the aggressive Aryan has established himself wherever he cangain a foothold; but the greater part of the country is forever barredto him by a climate which he cannot subdue.

To whom then can this rich territory offer greater inducements than tothe colored people of the United States? And what is more natural andrational than that they, when the population of the country approachesthe migration point, should follow the line of least resistance and turntheir steps to the home of their forefathers.

AUTHORITIES.

The sources of information which proved most useful to the writer are:

The Annual Reports of the A.C.S., together with the files of itsquarterly journal, the African Repository.

Messages of Presidents of Liberia, and the Reports of Secretaries of
Treasury, War, and Navy.

The Archives of the Maryland State Colonization Society, preserved bythe Maryland Historical Society in Baltimore.

* * * * *

KENNEDY: Colonization Report.

ALEXANDER: History of Colonization. 1845.

GURLEY: Report on Condition of Liberia. 1850.

CARL RITTER: Begründung u. gegenwärtige Zustände der Negerrepublik
Liberia. 1852.

ANDERSON: Narrative of a Journey to Musardu. 1870.

LATROBE: Maryland in Liberia. 1885.

WAUWERMANS: Libéria; Histoire de la Fondation d'un État nègre libre.1885.

SCHWARTZ: Einiges über das interne Leben der Eingebornen Liberias.
Deutsche Kolonialzeitung. 1887.

—Die Neger-Republik Liberia. Das Ausland. 1888.

BLYDEN: Christianity, Islam, and the Negro Race.

BÜTTIKOFER: Reisebilder aus Liberia. 1890.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: Letter to Philip A. Bruce, dated London, April 8, 1889.]

[Footnote 2: James Ferguson, Life of Hopkins. Hopkins' Circular,1793.]

[Footnote 3: Jefferson, Notes on Virginia.]

[Footnote 4: Kennedy's Report, p. 160.]

[Footnote 5: A.C.S. Report for 1853, pp. 37-55.]

[Footnote 6: The remarks of these gentlemen and others of similar viewshave subjected the Society to many unjust attacks. Of course many wouldjoin such a movement from mixed motives; but the guiding principles ofthe Society itself have always been distinctly philanthropic.]

[Footnote 7: Report of Amos Kendall, Fourth Auditor, to the Secretary ofthe Navy, August, 1830.]

[Footnote 8: Ashmun.]

[Footnote 9: These were eventually paid by the United States Government.
Kendall's Report to Secretary of Navy, December, 1830.]

[Footnote 10: The outbreak of the Civil War ended the arrangement afterthe third payment.]

[Footnote 11: This singular petition is preserved in Minute Book No. 4of the M.S. C.S., p. 36.]

[Footnote 12: Carl Ritter, who saw him in 1852, speaks of him as "denedlen, hochgebildeten, erfahrenen, weisen, und der Rede sehr kundigenStaatsman Wir (i.e., Ritter,) haben wiederholt seinen würdenvollen Redenin den ersten Kreisen in London beigewohnt."]

[Footnote 13: Semi-Centennial Memorial, p. 190.]

[Footnote 14: B. Anderson, Narrative of a Journey to Musardu.]

[Footnote 15: A.C. Reports of 1881 and 1882.]

[Footnote 16: Anderson's Journey to Musardu.]